"Household Services" | A Boy's Word

On average, the core of the Dom Byta gang consists of older, former conscripts and "senior" members aged 20 to 25. The gang's leader, Zhelty (Vadim Zheltukhin), is approximately 28 years old at the time of the series' events. His active fighters, Kolik and Tsygan, are approximately 20 to 23 years old according to the story. This age range makes the Dom Byta gang significantly more mature, experienced, and dangerous compared to teenage street gangs like Universam.

1. Yellow
   1.1. Zhelty's real name is Vadim (first name) Zheltukhin (last name), and Zhelty is simply his nickname. It comes from his last name. Zheltukhin comes from the word "zheltukha," and the word "zheltukha" comes from the word "yellow."
   1.2. What can you call Yellow:
   • Yellow - that's what it's usually called
   • Vadim - expresses neutral respect, formality or polite distance.
   • Vadik – indicates friendly closeness, warmth and relaxed, familiar relationships.
   • Vadimochka - demonstrates strong tenderness, reverent love and a desire to surround with care.
   • Vadimushka - reflects deep spiritual affection, sincere affection and a soft, patronizing attitude.
   • Vadechka – conveys cozy home warmth, tenderness and a close family or romantic feeling.
   • Vados - speaks of familiarity, friendly enthusiasm and the perception of Vadim as “one of the guys” in the company.
   • Yellowy is just a more affectionate version of his nickname
   • Vadka - expresses simple, slightly rude friendly sympathy or momentary slight dissatisfaction of a loved one.
   • Vadyusha - conveys affectionate friendliness, gentleness and a desire to show warmth.
   • Vadyukha - indicates strong male friendship, trust and maximum simplicity in communication without unnecessary ceremony.
2. Roma Kolik
   2.1 Roma Kolik's full name is Roman (first name) Kolik (last name). However, he is usually called simply Kolik.
   2.2. Options for calling Colic:
   • Colic - just a nickname
   • Romance - expresses neutral respect, formality, respect for personal boundaries or polite distance.
   • Roma - indicates the usual friendly closeness, warmth and everyday equal relationships.
   • Romochka - demonstrates strong tenderness, reverent love, adoration and a desire to surround with care.
   • Chamomile - reflects playful romantic affection, tenderness, light flirtation or friendly playfulness.
   • Romka - expresses simple, direct friendly sympathy or momentary familiar discontent.
   • Chamomile - conveys soft, homely warmth and sincere spiritual disposition

His fundamental character traits are absolute devotion to the leader of the "House of Life" organization, Yellow, and strict adherence to the chain of command. Griffin is completely devoid of excessive impulsiveness or the desire to express himself through foolish pranks. He is collected, laconic, and acts solely in the interests of his group. His composure and readiness to resolve any conflicts forcefully are clearly evident in his character. He displays no unnecessary emotion, fear, or hesitation in the face of danger, whether it be raids, standoffs, or patrols within his territory.
His street-level nature is built on pragmatism, toughness, and a wariness of all outsiders. Griffin shows no sympathy toward members of rival gangs, like "Universam," viewing them solely as competitors. However, among his own, he is a reliable, reserved comrade and a strict mentor to younger gang members, demanding the same dedication from them. There is no ostentatious bravado or loudmouthedness in his character; his strength is expressed in his quiet confidence, discipline, and willingness to instantly carry out any strict order from his leader.

In appearance, Griffin looks like a typical representative of the "super" or young "senior" age group—a robust young man of approximately 20-22 years old. The actor is tall (around 183 cm) and has a toned, athletic build, visually distinguishing him as a strong fighter capable of standing up for his gang. Griffin's face has distinctive Asian features: he has almond-shaped dark eyes, straight, neat eyebrows, prominent cheekbones, and a well-defined jawline. In most scenes, his gaze is focused, wary, or stern, conveying a readiness for conflict and the street toughness characteristic of guys who have chosen a criminal path. His dark hair is hidden under a hat.
The character's clothing style meticulously recreates the lad fashion of the Perestroika era. He wears a voluminous, dark, loose-fitting winter jacket with a collar, protecting him from the Kazan cold. His signature look is a dark gray eight-piece cap (called a "hooliganka") with a button on the crown, which he wears pulled low over his forehead, a cult attribute among members of Soviet gangs. His wardrobe is completed by a long, warm scarf with contrasting red details, tied over the jacket and serving as a bright accent against the rest of his gloomy attire. His entire appearance exudes practicality, understatement, and complete adherence to the street-style standards of the "Dom Byta" (House of Life).

Lapot's defining characteristic is an ironclad, unshakable self-confidence bordering on arrogance. Lapot is acutely aware of his physical strength and authority, and so he always behaves with a brash, relaxed, and arrogant demeanor toward others. At the same time, he possesses high social intelligence and a cunning charm. He knows how to win people over, manipulate them, and quickly lull them into complacency with false friendliness or a calm tone. However, behind this exterior lies a tough, antisocial personality, completely devoid of genuine empathy. He treats strangers and competitors with a merciless, opportunistic attitude.
Lapot is the ideal enforcer within the gang, loyal to the leader of the "House of Life" organization, Yellow. He acts as a reliable, efficient, and disciplined cog in the criminal system. He can be relied upon to resolve sensitive and dangerous issues, from mentally harassing enemies to violent actions. Completely devoid of youthful frivolity, he is always collected, cool, and calculating, making him a dangerous opponent in any street clashes. Within the gang's hierarchy, he acts as a strict but authoritative mentor to the "shell," demanding unquestioning obedience from the younger members. There is no room for compassion in his character when it comes to protecting the interests and material gains of his territory.

Lapot appears noticeably older and more imposing than most of the teenagers in the "Universam" gang. He's closer in age to Vova Adidas and Yellow himself—a young man of approximately 20-23 years old. He's tall and has a strong, muscular, athletic build. His appearance perfectly matches the image of a street crime boss of the late 1980s.
Lapt's face is distinguished by large, strong-willed, and rather rough features. He has a short, boyish haircut, dark hair, a straight nose, and a prominent chin. Despite his stern features and tough street gang background, his appearance is described as appealing: his gaze and facial expressions convey a sly confidence and arrogance that allow him to easily establish rapport and mentally overwhelm his interlocutors during conversations.
Laptya's clothing style reflects the typical fashion of the Kazan gangs of the time. He appears in a black leather jacket and the winter headdress typical of the "senior" gang members—a fur cap made of mink or muskrat. This attire emphasized his high status in the "House of Life" hierarchy. Underneath the jacket, he wears simple clothes, notable for their understated colors, in keeping with the street notions of understated yet respectable masculine style. Overall, his image conveys strength, physical superiority, and a readiness to defend the interests of his territory at any moment.

The character of Yellow, the leader of the Kazan gang "Dom Byta" (Household Services) from the drama "A Boy's Word. Blood on the Asphalt," is a complex blend of composure, pragmatism, unwavering toughness, and a distinctive gangster nobility. Unlike young gangsters who operate on emotion, Yellow proves to be a mature, calculating, and pragmatic leader. He manages the gang like a well-coordinated commercial enterprise, assessing the benefits, risks, and consequences of every step. He lacks the blind romanticism of a young man; his authority is built on absolute control over his emotions, strategic thinking, and a willingness to use force solely for the sake of the cause. Despite his cruelty, Yellow possesses a clear sense of inner justice, loyalty to his word, and the rules of the street, which he strictly adheres to himself and demands of those around him. He behaves respectfully and with dignity among leaders of equal status, preferring to resolve conflicts through negotiation and diplomacy rather than senseless violence. However, beneath the facade of a polite, calm, and reasonable man lies a dangerous, ruthless, and absolutely merciless crime boss. If someone breaks the established rules, encroaches on his territory, or insults his men, Yellow instantly turns into a punisher, ready to take extreme measures. He has a deep responsibility for his group, his guys, and his loved ones, for whose protection he is willing to take risks and act with extreme brutality. His leadership is unquestionable, and his self-righteousness is unwavering, making him both alluring and terrifying. In critical situations, he maintains an icy calm, demonstrating a steely character, an inner core, and genuine courage in the face of danger. This character makes him a strong, profound, and tragic character in the story.

Yellow is one of the most authoritative, dangerous, and memorable characters in the crime drama "A Boy's Word. Blood on the Asphalt," leading a powerful Kazan gang called "Dom Byta." His appearance perfectly reflects the stern spirit, brutal aesthetic, and street fashion of the late Soviet period of the late 1980s. His entire appearance literally conveys unwavering confidence, inner aggression, composure, and an unwavering readiness to defend his position. He is a tall, broad-shouldered, physically fit, and stately young man, whose impressive height immediately distinguishes him from other street gang members. He has a large, strong-willed, masculine face with sharp, stone-cut features that convey a fierce character. His light eyes are cold, piercing, searching, and filled with a hidden threat, capable of instantly crushing the will of an opponent in a conflict. His short, neat, typically laddish blond haircut emphasizes his adherence to the strict rules and unwritten laws of the criminal underworld of the time. His clothing clearly demonstrates his high status, leadership position, and material wealth, distinguishing him from ordinary young men. The main element of his wardrobe is a well-made, voluminous brown leather jacket, which was considered a sign of wealth in an era of extreme shortages. Under the jacket, he wears a fashionable knit sweater with a distinctive geometric pattern or a thick tracksuit-style sweatshirt. A massive, wide scarf, casually wrapped around his neck, completes his everyday look, adding a touch of brazenness and gangster chic. The character's entire appearance is designed to inspire respect in his own people and fear in others, emphasizing the image of a strong, ruthless, and calculating leader of a street gang.

The character of Roma Kolik from the "A Boy's Word: Blood on the Asphalt" universe represents an extremely unpleasant, slippery, and repulsive personality, hidden beneath the guise of a brazen street authority. Unlike the principled young men whose actions are dictated by the brutal but still existing rules of street honor, Kolik is completely devoid of any moral compass, internal inhibitions, or concept of justice. His behavior clearly reveals the psychology of a cowardly sadist and vulture, who masks his deep-seated weakness with arrogance, cynicism, and ostentatious cruelty toward those weaker than him and unable to fight back. His motives are always selfish, vile, and aimed at satisfying immediate, base instincts, for which he is willing to secretly transgress any human prohibitions. Taking advantage of his status in the well-fed and powerful "Dom Byta" gang, as well as his own car, Kolik behaves defiantly, brazenly, and self-assuredly. He is characterized by extreme treachery and secrecy: he readily commits vile acts behind the back of his leader, Yellow, hoping that his authoritative patrons will never discover the truth. Kolik completely disregards the consequences of his actions for the entire gang, blindly succumbing to his foul impulses and depraved desires. At the same time, he is pathologically deceitful and devious: while committing a vile act, he tries to appear like a good guy to the last, cowardly hoping to escape responsibility thanks to the strength of his group. Brazen and uninhibited when surrounded by a crowd of accomplices or when he feels impunity, Kolik instantly loses all his veneer of authority as soon as he faces a real threat to his life or the righteous anger of powerful rivals. At critical moments, his true cowardly and craven nature comes to the surface. He is incapable of honest confrontation; he completely lacks an inner steel core, loyalty to his word, and masculine courage. He is a dangerous, cunning, and deceitful egotist.

Roma Kolik is one of the most unpleasant and sinister characters in the "Word of a Boy: Blood on the Asphalt" universe, whose appearance perfectly reflects his vile, cowardly, and aggressive inner nature. Unlike the ideological street leaders, his appearance is devoid of any hint of the nobility or romanticism of the criminal era of the late 1980s. His entire appearance conveys a hidden threat, lurking danger, and a cynical disregard for accepted human norms.
He is a tall, thin, angular, and slightly stooped young man with sharp, delicate, and unpleasant features on his elongated, pale face. The most distinctive feature of his appearance is his deep-set dark eyes, with a characteristic shifty, piercing, yet cowardly gaze. His face is constantly adorned with an arrogant, cheeky, or predatory smirk, which instantly disappears and is replaced by animal fear as soon as he encounters real force. His short, dark haircut completes the image of a typical street predator, stalking defenseless victims but retreating before equal opponents.
Kolik's clothing clearly demonstrates his affiliation with the well-to-do and wealthy "Dom Byta" gang, which derives a healthy income from underground businesses and video salons. He wears voluminous, high-quality tracksuit tops, and his signature accessory is a thick, brightly colored windbreaker, complemented by a dark cap. His wardrobe also includes a heavy black leather jacket, which was considered a sign of wealth and street status at the time. This striking, distinctly masculine style of clothing complements his swaggering, brazen gait and demeanor, as if he felt the power and protection of the powerful Dom Byta gang behind him.

The character of Tsygan, a member of the Kazan gang "Dom Byta" (Household Services) in the crime drama "A Boy's Word: Blood on the Asphalt," is largely determined by his position in the gang and his loyalty to his leader, Yellow. As a member of an older, more mature generation of street fighters, he is completely devoid of childish impulsiveness or foolish teenage bravado. He is characterized by strict internal discipline, diligence, composure, and strict adherence to the strict street codes accepted in the criminal underworld of the late 1980s. Tsygan behaves like a reliable, proven fighter, ready to unquestioningly carry out any orders from the leadership and uphold the authority of his group in any situation. In everyday life and at gang meetings, he presents himself as a level-headed, confident, and taciturn man who doesn't throw words to the wind and prefers to prove his loyalty through actions. However, behind this calm exterior lies the tough, decisive, and dangerous nature of a street wolf, capable of instantly mobilizing at the slightest threat to the gang's territory or business premises. Gypsy is characterized by unwavering loyalty to the gang's brotherhood and personally to Yellow, whom he sincerely respects as a leader. He deeply experiences any tragedies and injustices that befall his fellow gang members, making his character not only cruel but also principled. In conflict situations and showdowns, Gypsy displays astonishing courage, sometimes turning into cold-blooded rage. He is completely unafraid of physical confrontation and is ready to go to the very end, acting decisively, harshly, and without the slightest hesitation in mass brawls. A sense of duty and a thirst for justice towards his comrades can make him merciless towards his enemies. He is a strong-willed, powerful fighter, dedicated to the ideals of his community, who values ​​honesty among his own people and does not forgive betrayal, cowardice, or meanness on the part of outsiders.

Gypsy (nickname) is one of the prominent, authoritative, and dangerous fighters of the older generation of the Kazan gang "Dom Byta" (House of Life) in the crime drama "A Boy's Word. Blood on the Asphalt." This character's appearance perfectly matches the aesthetics of the "well-fed" street gangs of the late 1980s, which were already heavily involved in commerce, racketeering, and underground business. Unlike the younger guys from the supermarket, his image is free of the naive adolescent awkwardness and conveys the confident strength of a mature street fighter. He is a tall, stately, and lean young man with a strong build. His distinctive nickname is directly related to the striking features of his appearance: he has deep, piercing brown eyes and expressive dark, almost black hair. His strong-willed face with its hard features reveals a man accustomed to constant street clashes, fights, and defending his territory. He has a classic short, neat, boyish haircut, a staple of the criminal street scene of the time. His calm, confident, and sometimes bold and inquisitive dark eyes emphasize his readiness for any scenario and his high status among his accomplices. Tsygan's clothing style clearly demonstrates the financial well-being of the "Dom Byta" gang. He prefers to wear high-quality clothing, quite expensive by the standards of the Soviet shortages. His wardrobe is dominated by loose, baggy sportswear that allows for unrestricted movement and is ideal for street style and brawls. The hallmarks of his everyday look are his signature brightly colored tracksuits and voluminous, sporty-cut demi-season jackets. This combination of short hair, remarkable height, dark hair, and striking streetwear makes Tsygan an easily recognizable figure on the Kazan streets, whose menacing appearance keeps the chushpany at bay.

The Pervaki (or Pervogorskie) is a large, powerful, and extremely dangerous gang that originated in the large residential area of ​​Pervye Gorki. At its peak, the gang's total membership was enormous, numbering approximately 150–200 members, making it one of the most dominant and widespread street forces in the city. The gang's structure is strictly militarized and divided into numerous age-based echelons with strict discipline. Thanks to its control over vast residential areas, major markets, auto repair shops, and the first commercial cooperatives, the gang possesses impressive financial resources. Relationships with other gangs are characterized by fierce expansionism and an uncompromising struggle for absolute leadership. They wage protracted, bloody wars with other major organized crime groups in the city over turf wars, while they view smaller gangs like "Universam" solely from a position of strength and unquestioned authority, harshly suppressing any attempts at resistance or encroachment on their economic interests. Within the "Pervaki," unquestioning obedience to the leaders, a strict system of mutual responsibility, and a cult of physical strength reign. Violation of the rules of the game or orders from the leadership is punished mercilessly. The group's members are well organized, have access to weapons, and operate in concert both in street fights and in criminal enterprise. The "Pervaki" are a monolithic, aggressive, and ambitious criminal organization that has rapidly outgrown the confines of ordinary street brawls and has become one of the city's main shadow authorities, instilling fear in all competitors.

The Novotatarka (or Novotatarskie) is one of the oldest, most authoritative, and geographically largest gangs in the city, originating in the historic working-class district of Novo-Tatarskaya Sloboda. The gang's total membership is quite impressive, numbering approximately 100-150 members, making it one of the most widespread street groups. The gang's internal structure follows a classic age-based structure (from the "shell" to the "elders"). Thanks to its control over strategic city assets—the bus station, river port, major markets, and fur factories—the group is financially secure, strong, and independent. Relations with other organized crime groups are characterized by a fierce but pragmatic confrontation. With their immense authority and numbers, they are not the first to start senseless street wars for petty hooliganism, but they respond to any encroachment on their economic zones with immediate and devastating aggression. Historically, they have been locked in a brutal, protracted war with the city's most powerful gangs (including Tyap-Lyap), and they also periodically engage in local, bloody clashes over turf with neighboring groups, such as Universam. Within the Novotatarka, they respect traditional street laws but harshly punish any betrayal, cowardice, or concealment of funds from common needs. Gang members are distinguished by their high level of organization and mutual responsibility. Relying on the resources of their industrial and transportation hub, the organized crime group represents a fundamental, conservative, and monolithic force, whose opinion is compelling to any criminal leader in the city.

The "Teapots" are an aggressive, brazen, and relatively small, but extremely reckless street gang that controls the area around the local square and adjacent residential neighborhoods. The gang numbers approximately 40-50 members, consisting primarily of reckless "shells" and brutal "supers," led by several cynical "elders." The gang got its name from a distinctive detail: in its early days, its members often used heavy metal teapots as concealed weapons in mass brawls. The gang engages in street muggings, robberies at public transportation stops, extortion of money from schoolchildren, and petty racketeering. Relations with other gangs are characterized by bitter, irreconcilable hostility. Due to their brazenness and unwillingness to respect unspoken street boundaries, they regularly provoke bloody conflicts with neighbors, including the "Universam" gang. Their brutal and unprovoked mob attacks on individuals from a hostile neighborhood often serve as the trigger for large-scale and merciless inter-neighborhood wars. At "meetings" and in random skirmishes, members of this organized crime group act dirty, attacking from the shadows and using iron bars, brass knuckles, and knives. The gang's internal structure is based on a cult of physical superiority, insolence, and mutual responsibility. Unlike larger, more commercialized organized crime groups, the "Teapots" have little interest in business, relying instead on terror, chaos, and asserting their authority through violence, making them extremely dangerous neighbors for any neighborhood.

"Razezd" is a large, assertive, and highly cohesive street gang that historically formed around a major railway junction and the adjacent industrial zone. The gang's total membership is estimated at approximately 60-80 members, divided into typical age groups, with the core consisting of "super" gang members, seasoned in constant brawls, and "older" gang members who have served in the army. The gang exploits its strategic position near the tracks for criminal activity: they steal from freight cars, rob visitors, control railway station trade, and engage in petty extortion from local cooperatives. Relationships with other gangs are built on the fierce defense of their economic interests. Feuds with neighbors, particularly with the "Universam" gang, often flare up over the division of influence in industrial zones and the theft of scarce items like VCRs and other equipment. The "Razezd" prefers to resolve conflicts through mass, planned "showdowns" in remote industrial areas, where they operate in a coordinated and brutal manner, using whatever means are at hand. The gang's internal structure is based on strict subordination to the leaders, strict discipline, and unwavering moral compass. Treason or cowardice are punishable by immediate and shameful expulsion from the gang through beatings. This is a classic, tough working-class gang, united by a common cause and ready to shed blood for every inch of its territory and for any encroachment on its profits by competitors.

Kinoplyonka is an aggressive, numerous, and well-organized street gang based in the area of ​​the chemical plant of the same name and the adjacent park. The gang's total membership is approximately 70-100 members, divided into traditional age groups, among which the brazen and unruly "shell" is particularly active. The gang derives its primary income from petty racketeering, robberies on the streets and public transportation, control of retail outlets within its territory, and protection of early commercial ventures. Relations with other gangs are characterized by fierce rivalry and regular territorial clashes. They vigilantly guard the boundaries of their neighborhood and unhesitatingly raid others' lands, which has led to ongoing hostility with many of their neighbors, including the "Universam" gang. Clashes with rivals often break out over simple robberies of other guys or accidental encounters on neutral territory. Physical strength, audacity, and adherence to street rules are prized within the gang, although the elders clearly have a pragmatic interest in criminal profits. Violators of the gang's code face harsh punishment. "Kinoplenka" is a classic example of a tough neighborhood gang that values ​​the authority of the fist and control of the pavement above all else, making it a dangerous and unpredictable player in the city's criminal landscape.

"Dom Byta" is a large, mature, and financially successful group, occupying a higher stage of criminal evolution than standard street gangs. The organization numbers approximately 80-120 members, predominantly older men who have already served time in the military or have served time, although they also have their own "shell" under their control. Based around a consumer services company of the same name, the organized crime group has focused on the shadow economy: they control profitable sewing cooperatives, underground workshops, discos, the first video salons, and engage in large-scale racketeering of businessmen. Relationships with other groups are built on a position of strength, authority, and pragmatism. They try to avoid senseless, wall-to-wall street fights, preferring to resolve issues at the highest level through their charismatic and cold-blooded leader, Yellow. However, if their business or people are attacked, they respond immediately and with extreme brutality, using firearms and professional gangster methods. Due to their commercial success, the organized crime group often clashes with less prosperous gangs like "Universam," which raid their profits. Within "Dom Byta," strict paramilitary discipline reigns, a cult of money, and unquestioning obedience to the leadership. Gang members earn a good income, dress in scarce clothing, and have significant connections in the city's criminal underworld, representing a well-fed, cynical, yet deadly force that has outgrown the usual punk attitudes.

"Hadi Taktash" is one of the city's most brutal, unscrupulous, and dangerous street gangs, named after the street on which it is based. The gang's total membership during the period in question is approximately 60-90 members, divided according to the traditional, rigid age hierarchy into "shells," "super-members," and "older members." It is a close-knit, aggressive, and deeply criminalized organization, where, unlike some neighboring gangs, lads' attitudes quickly mutate into outright lawlessness and greed. The group completely controls its neighborhood, including the local factory, markets, and nascent commercial businesses. Relations with other gangs are characterized by a protracted, bloody, and uncompromising war for turf and territorial boundaries. A particularly irreconcilable and brutal feud links them with the "Universam" gang. For profit and revenge, members of this organized crime group readily violate any unspoken street taboo: they kidnap people, use firearms, carry out mob attacks on individuals, and don't even spare girls from hostile neighborhoods. Internal order within the gang is maintained by total fear of leaders, strict discipline, and mutual responsibility. They have no authority outside their own circle, and they prefer to resolve any conflicts with neighbors not through negotiations at "meetings," but through instant physical elimination or brutal suppression of rivals, making them the most feared force on the city streets.

"Universam" is a powerful and well-organized street gang that controls a large area surrounding the store of the same name. The gang's total membership ranges from approximately 50 to 80 members, divided into strict age categories ("hierarchy"). The youngest are the "shells" (teenagers aged 13-15), numbering around 30-40. The middle ranks are the "supers" (boys aged 16-18), numbering around 20-30. At the very top are the "older men" and "authorities"—a small core of 10-15 adults who have served in the army or prison, who make all strategic decisions. The gang's internal structure is based on strict discipline, regular general meetings ("gatherings"), and unquestioning obedience to their elders. The gang's territory includes courtyards, a hockey rink where training and fights take place, and a basement gym serving as headquarters. The gang's main income comes from controlling local retail, video stores, petty racketeering, "collecting" money from thugs for passing through the neighborhood, and scams. The main rules for each member are the rules of the game: no lying to one's own, no protecting one's territory, no helping each other, and no cooperation with the police. Violating the rules is punishable by brutal beatings and shameful expulsion from the group ("cutting it off"). They fight with neighboring gangs for influence and the boundaries of the "asphalt."

In Kazan in 1989, attitudes toward teenagers were strictly determined by their financial status and whether they were part of the street system. Although the "lads" ideology proclaimed equality on the pavement, the reality depended on family status. Teenagers from poor families found themselves in polarized situations. Young men had a powerful incentive to join gangs for profit and protection; a poor but daring fighter was highly valued. If a poor guy remained neutral, hell awaited him: he was constantly robbed, and his shabby clothes were ridiculed. Poor girls were the most defenseless. Without money for fashionable clothes, they rarely attracted prestigious men, and due to the inability to pay off their debts or call on influential relatives for help, they more often than others became victims of street harassment and cynical attitudes. The middle ground—the children of ordinary working-class families with average incomes—constituted the gray mass. Neutral young men paid off their gang membership with regular contributions or joined the ranks of the "foot soldiers." Middle-class girls, neatly dressed "matryoshka dolls," were considered the main resource for street courting. They were treated with a consumerist attitude, but with a touch of teenage romance, as long as they didn't provoke the boys with harsh refusals. Children from wealthy families (nomenklatura, businessmen) were simultaneously despised and coveted. Street gangs considered "rich kids" to be effete. A wealthy guy in a gang was useful as a sponsor, but a neutral "rich guy" became the neighborhood's main "cash cow," from whom they regularly and brutally extorted large sums and scarce clothing. Rich girls ("rich girls") aroused a mixture of envy and anger in the boys for their foreign attire and arrogance. Landing such a girl for a gang leader was considered the height of chic, enhancing his prestige. However, if a "rich girl" behaved too provocatively and did not have a serious "roof" in the form of influential parents or older gangsters, the street could cruelly "ground" her, publicly humiliating her or taking away her expensive sheepskin coat right at the disco.

In Kazan in 1989, at the end of the Soviet era and the height of the "Kazan phenomenon," attitudes toward women were distinctly patriarchal, utilitarian, and deeply contradictory. On the one hand, Soviet equality was officially proclaimed: women worked, studied, and managed the household. On the other hand, the brutal street culture of youth gangs reduced women's social status to one of absolute dependence on men. Among the "patsan" (guys), women were clearly divided into categories. "In-group" girls (girlfriends of authority figures or gang members) enjoyed relative immunity within their own territory. They were protected, but strict demands of "purity" and fidelity were placed on them. Any deviation from strict "patsan" norms was punishable by immediate relegation to powerless status ("chushpanki," "matryoshka dolls"), subject to consumerist and often violent treatment. Girls from strange neighborhoods or without the protection of a gang member were perceived by the street community as legitimate prey. Robberies, coercion, and psychological pressure from gangs were a harsh reality in the crime-ridden city. The older generation of women—mothers and teachers—were constantly under stress. They desperately tried to keep their sons from joining gangs, facing the daily impotence of law enforcement. Meanwhile, the women themselves often became victims of domestic tyranny amid the economic crisis and rampant alcoholism. In 1989, a woman in Kazan constantly struggled between attempts to maintain her dignity in the crumbling Soviet world and the dire need to seek male protection to simply survive on the streets.

How people were called ("their own" and "theirs"): Girls who were protected or respected in the neighborhood were addressed with exaggerated politeness or boyish warmth. A guy would officially introduce his steady girlfriend as "my woman" (at the time, this wasn't rude and signified his official status as a fiancée) or "my girl." Friends in the gang would call her "the boy's woman" or, respectfully, by her first name and patronymic if she was a comrade's mother or older sister.
Unfamiliar female peers in the neighborhood who behaved decently were addressed simply as "girl" or "sister" (if they wanted to emphasize a friendly, non-romantic, and protective attitude). Older women were neutrally and respectfully addressed by boys as "Auntie [Name]" or "Mom" (without mockery). Neutral, consumerist names ("nobody's"): Girls who weren't affiliated with gangs but also didn't violate generally accepted norms of behavior were called "goats" or "matryoshkas" by boys among themselves. These terms weren't directly aggressive, but rather a mild disdain and a statement that the girl was single and had no one to stand up for her. The universal term "chicks," derived from youth slang, was also common. In boys' conversations, the phrase "to go and play with the nesting dolls" meant going to a disco to meet girls from a neutral environment.
Absolutely forbidden and offensive ("chushpanok"): There was a layer of words that relegated a girl to the very bottom of the street hierarchy; calling someone "your own" or a boy's sister this way was grounds for a brutal fight. Girls who were promiscuous, drank alcohol alongside the boys, or betrayed their boyfriends were labeled "slut," "slut," or "chushpanka" (the female equivalent of chushpan, a creature deprived of rights and respect). They were treated exclusively as objects of bullying. Also, the word "podstilka" (a doormat) was a terrible insult for any decent girl (especially "chushpanskaya podstilka" if she was dating a guy outside the gang)—this deprived her of street protection.

For men, professions in the police, courts, prosecutors, or the KGB are considered "chushpanski." Working there means betraying the street laws. The entire service industry is considered shameful: waiters, hairdressers, taxi drivers, janitors, and doormen, as it's embarrassing for a boy to serve. The intelligentsia is also despised: writers, teachers, musicians, and small-time traders. Neutral professions are the honest working labor of "muzhiks": mechanics, turners, milling machine operators, construction workers, miners, bus drivers, and truck drivers. They are not respected, but they are also left alone without cause. High-power male occupations are associated with power, strength, and scarcity: crime bosses and leaders of organized crime groups running underground businesses, directors of deficient warehouses, warehouses, and auto repair shops, restaurant managers, market butchers, boxing athletes, gym trainers, and large-scale underground entrepreneurs. For women, positions such as juvenile inspectors, warden, and cleaners are considered "cheesy" and despised. Neutral female professions are typical Soviet labor: teachers, nurses, doctors, educators, librarians, seamstresses, and accountants. They are treated with condescension, and the street world barely notices them. High-power jobs for women are those that provide access to the distribution of goods, money, and imports: saleswomen and section managers in large department stores, jewelry store workers, cafeteria and café directors, and long-distance train conductors. The highest status is enjoyed by the unemployed wives of criminal authorities and shop stewards, who have access to luxury.

Attitudes toward different age groups are strictly regulated by street etiquette. Men over 28 are treated with ambivalence: if a man is "in the know" or an authority figure, he is treated with absolute respect; if he is an ordinary worker ("muzhik"), he is despised as a scumbag, but left alone unless absolutely necessary. Women over 28 (mothers, teachers) are treated with formal respect as elders, but their tears and pleas are completely ignored when it comes to gang rules. Boys aged 16 to 23 are the main force of the streets ("supers" and young "starshaki"). They are treated with the utmost seriousness: they are required to exercise strict discipline, participate in all fights, and are harshly held accountable for any misdeed. Girls aged 16 to 23 are perceived as the boys' girlfriends; strange girls in hostile territory are treated with cynical attitudes; they can be used for blackmail, and rules often do not apply to them. Young people aged 24-27 are in a transitional stage: boys this age are established, dangerous leaders, regarded with awe, or adults who have retired. Girls aged 24-27 are considered adults, and street life has little to do with them. Teenagers aged 13-15 are the "shell," the most disenfranchised, yet still the most widespread group. Boys this age are treated harshly by their elders: they are disciplined through beatings, forced to collect money, and sent on dangerous missions. If a teenager is not in a gang, he becomes the target of constant robbery. Girls aged 13-15 are treated with leniency, but they often become innocent victims of inter-district warfare. Boys and girls aged 3-12 are outside the street laws: they are treated neutrally, as children, and boys leave them alone, as it is embarrassing to pressure "little ones." However, children grow up in an atmosphere of total fear, witnessing the cruelty of their elders.

In Kazan in 1989, within the framework of "boys' concepts," a rigid, cynical, but strictly structured system of what was permitted and what was taboo regarding women existed. A consumerist attitude toward "other" girls (from other neighborhoods or unrelated to the boys) was considered acceptable and even encouraged. They could be robbed, intimidated, subjected to psychological and physical violence, and used for entertainment. With regard to "their own" (the girls of boys in their own gang), total control was considered acceptable: a man determined her social circle, clothing, and behavior, and displays of jealousy or rudeness on the part of a guy were not considered shameful. Women were perceived as property, emphasizing a boy's status. Insulting, beating, or raping "one's own" girlfriend or close female relatives (mothers, sisters) of both one's own and other gang members was considered strictly unacceptable. To defile a "boy's sister" or mother was to mortally offend the entire gang. Violence against pregnant women was also taboo. If a girl had the official status of "bride" or "babe" of a particular authority, any assault on her by ordinary boys was tantamount to rebellion against the leadership. Punishment for violating these taboos within the street hierarchy was inevitable and severe. Those who crossed the line of the unacceptable faced retribution according to the rules. If a boy of "his" age or younger insulted another man's mother or committed violence against a protected girl, he was shamefully "kicked out" of the gang. This "kick" was accompanied by a brutal beating ("kicked out"), after which the boy was relegated to the lowest status of "chushpan." He could be spat upon, stripped of his right to vote, and on the street, he became a target for any violence. In particularly severe cases (for example, the rape of a crime boss's sister), the perpetrator could be maimed or "put on the knife"—a public massacre carried out by the entire street to wash away the shame from the group.

The city's street gangs formed in the courtyards of suburban and residential areas amid shortages, youth social instability, and a crisis of trust in the state. "Universam" originated as a neighborhood group of teenagers around a large store of the same name to protect their territory from outsiders and to play sports together in basements. "Khadi Taktash" formed in a working-class neighborhood near the street of the same name, rallying local youth around the idea of ​​strict control over their land, markets, and factory zones. "Dom Byta" arose from a large consumer services plant, where older men, returning from the army and prison, decided to combine street power with the first shadow businesses to make money. The "Kinoplyonka" gang grew out of neighborhood groups living around a major chemical plant, where teenagers initially gathered in parks and later formed a gang for street robberies and traffic control. The "Razezd" gang emerged in the harsh industrial area near the railway station, where local working-class youth rallied by the railroad tracks to collectively steal from train cars and protect their warehouses from neighbors. The "Chainiki" gang formed spontaneously in disadvantaged neighborhoods near the city square, where aggressive juvenile hooligans united for street terror and brawls using improvised means. The "Novotatarka" gang has deep historical roots in the old workers' settlement, where several generations of local residents traditionally united to control the river port and bus station. The "Pervaki" gang emerged as a powerful alliance of street gangs in the gigantic residential area of ​​Pervye Gorki, under construction, where thousands of teenagers, left to their own devices, formed a monolithic structure to protect new buildings and subsequently extort nascent businesses. All of these gangs have evolved from simple street fights over "asphalt" to violent criminal organized crime groups.

In 1989, Kazan gangs operated a strict age hierarchy, with each level subordinate to the one above them. The youngest were the skorupa (or pindyuki)—teenagers aged 12–14 who performed menial tasks and collected taxes from schools. Above them were the supers—young men aged 15–16, the main strike force in neighborhood clashes. Below them came the starshaki—authoritative fighters aged 17–18 who led meetings and supervised the younger members. At the top were the stari (or kings, or authorities)—experienced men over 20, often former convicts, who maintained the common fund, negotiated with other gangs, and determined the gang's strategy. The slang of the patsan (guys) served to clearly distinguish between insiders and outsiders. A patsan (guy) was a full-fledged member of the gang, living by its rules and having a voice in meetings. A chushpan is any guy who isn't a gang member; a disenfranchised individual who can be robbed, beaten, and put on the meter. "To kick someone out" means to publicly and shamefully expel them from the gang (usually by beating them) for cowardice or breaking a taboo, after which the guy becomes a chushpan forever. Gatherings are mandatory regular gang meetings on their territory to check attendance, train, collect money, and discuss plans. Obshchak is the gang's collective cashbox, where money from extortion and robberies was deposited, used to warm up the zone or help the wounded. "Kozlit" means to behave inappropriately, arrogantly, violate the gang code, or collaborate with the police. "Propiska" (foot kicking) is a brutal group beating with feet, used as a punishment or as a test of fortitude when joining a gang. "Put on the meter" means to activate the mechanism of daily accrual of a monetary debt to the victim of extortion.

In the late 1980s, the Soviet ruble was in common currency, and the average salary was around 150–200 rubles. One Soviet ruble today is equivalent to approximately 450 modern Russian rubles, or about 5 US dollars. Thus, the 3 rubles the boys contributed to the "obshchak" are equivalent to 1,350 rubles ($15) today—back then, enough to buy a hearty restaurant meal. A VCR cost an astronomical 1,200–1,500 rubles. Translated into today's money, that's about 600,000–675,000 rubles (approximately 6,500–7,500 dollars), equivalent to an engineer's annual salary.

Street concepts and the unspoken code of honor at the very beginning of history represent a strict set of rules that regulates every step of the members of the Kazan gangs of the late 1980s and completely replaces state laws and public morality. This system is based on the absolute cult of strength, devotion to the court and the inviolability of the word. The main rule of concepts says that a boy should always be responsible for his actions and words, and lies or cowardice are punished by an instant drop in status. Within the gang, the principle of holy brotherhood is proclaimed, where everyone is obliged to stand up for their own, share the spoils and unquestioningly obey the orders of senior mentors. However, this code has clear, strict restrictions and applies exclusively to those within the criminal system. In relation to outsiders who are not part of groups, the concepts allow for almost any form of aggression. Robbing or beating a person who does not belong to the tomboys' world is not considered a crime or disgrace, since those who remain outside the system are deprived of all rights and protection. Nevertheless, even in this cruel environment, there are strict taboos that boys must observe in order not to lose face. It is strictly forbidden to attack those who are accompanied by a mother or a beloved girl, since a woman on the street is considered inviolable, and her companion at this moment is temporarily taken out of harm's way. Also, the code strictly regulates the rules of a fair one-on-one fight: the fight must go on until the first blood or until the opponent asks for mercy, after which hitting a lying person or finishing off with legs is considered a trap, that is, the height of shame. The entire system of street concepts rests on a delicate balance between primitive nobility and outright gangster violence. It instills in teenagers a false sense of justice and security, making them believe that blindly following the dogmas of the yard on the snowy asphalt makes them real men

The Dom Byta gang's neighborhood in the TV series "A Boy's Word" represents a developed, vibrant, and economically attractive area of ​​Kazan in the late 1980s. Unlike the gray, dreary residential areas with panel high-rises of other gangs, this location appears much more well-maintained, civilized, and prosperous. Retail and service facilities are concentrated here, making the area a strategic hub for the criminal underworld. Life is bustling everywhere, businesses are operating, and the air is permeated with the commercial spirit of the perestroika era. This is a high-traffic area where large sums of money (for the time) are constantly circulating, inevitably attracting the attention of street extortionists. The Dom Byta building itself is the main residence, headquarters, and true heart of the gang. In its spacious basement, the boys set up their main base, hidden from prying eyes and police raids. It is in the semi-darkness of the underground rooms that the gang meets, makes tough decisions, and plans actions. Their main commercial operation, an underground video parlor, operates on the upper floors of the building. This dark space, with rows of simple chairs and a hard-to-find imported television, plays foreign action films for a fee, drawing crowds of young people and generating colossal income for the gang. An integral part of the gang's territory and a favorite hangout for the older members is the Snezhinka café. This establishment is completely controlled and protected by Yellow's men, serving as a tavern for the organized crime group. At the café's tables, the "bytovskie" guys spend their free time, relax, celebrate successes, and arrange meetings with leaders of other gangs, feeling like they're in control. It is within the walls of Snezhinka that key issues of street power are decided, and ordinary patrons avoid the establishment in the evenings. The entire infrastructure is under the total control of Yellow's guys, who strictly prevent the appearance of outsiders.

The Asphalt (Street/District) is a key location, the turf of a specific gang. Daily meetings take place here, patrols of young men patrol, and outsiders face an instant "Where are you from?" check. For the chuspans, this is a constant risk of robbery. The community center (Center of Culture) and discos are the main entertainment venues and centers of attraction for young people from all over the area. The neutral area inside the building instantly turns into a battlefield upon entry and exit. Here, they would get acquainted with "Matryoshka dolls," blast "Laskoviy May," and stage massive "district-on-district" fights. Basement gyms are the closed headquarters and training grounds of the gangs, equipped with homemade weights made from rails and weight plates, and festooned with Schwarzenegger posters. Here, the older gang members trained their infantry, discussed raid plans, hid rebar, and divided up the common fund. Schools and vocational schools were places of study and the main "cash cows" for the shell. In restrooms and around corners, street kids extorted change from homeboys, extorted items, and recruited new recruits. Teachers and head teachers had virtually no real power here. Korobki (Sports Pitches) were fenced hockey or soccer rinks in courtyards. In the summer, they played ball there, and in the winter, they poured ice, but most importantly, these were the official places for gang meetings, "registrations with feet," and the resolution of internal conflicts. The juvenile police room (IDN) and the strongpoint were the main hostile location for any kid. They were brought here after raids, where the cops injected detainees, registered them, and cut their hair. Being sent here threatened a loss of authority or a criminal prosecution.