Argentine Republic TNO

Arturo Frondisi President
Alfredo Roque Vitol, Minister of the Interior
Miguel Angel Carcano, Minister of Foreign Affairs
Alvaro Carlos Alsogaray, Minister of Finance
Rosendo Fraga, Minister of Defense

The culture of Argentina is represented by various regional variations of the general Argentine culture.

In the sparsely populated expanses of Patagonia, the Patagonian Argentine culture reigns supreme. As one moves northwest, it gives way to the Cuyan-Argentine culture. The central regions of the country are the domain of the Central Argentine culture, while in the northeast, the Rioplatine culture prevails undisputedly. In the northwest, the Northwestern Argentine culture developed. Moving along the Paraná River, the Rioplatine culture gradually transforms: first into the Litoralleño Argentine culture, and then into the Northeastern Argentine culture.

Military factionalism is nothing new, but it has never involved such foreign participation. Both factions, divided by irreconcilable ideological differences, are vying for complete control of the armed forces. A strange mix of Catholic nationalists and fascists, the Azuls seek to restore Argentina's ties with the Triumvirate and even move closer to the German sphere. Rumor has it they are communicating directly with a general in Rome, discussing their next steps. Their opponents are the Colorados, who support the OSN. They hate Peronism above all else and are willing to eliminate anyone who would capitulate to the fascist threat. Armed clashes between the two factions are becoming increasingly frequent, and politicians are concerned that the situation could escalate. The reinstatement of anti-Peronist officers, carried out throughout the 1950s, and the simultaneous purge of Peronist and Lonardist officers, have disrupted the traditionally strict hierarchy of the Argentine armed forces and undermined discipline to a level unseen almost anywhere in the civilized world. This has forced President Frondizi to repeatedly yield to the demands of the military, which has continually increased its political influence by any means necessary. As discontent grows, Frondizi and others, determined to avoid responsibility for the bloodshed, have refused to give orders to the "professionals" in the army, which, paradoxically, they need to suppress the constant insurrections. Moreover, while the legitimacy of coups is supported by long-standing elements of Argentine case law, the government increasingly exposes itself to threat.

Currently, the Frondizi's economic "development scheme" requires massive amounts of foreign capital to invest in the country, as well as unprecedented levels of capital imports to meet the demand for thriving new industries. This, in turn, has fueled rampant inflation, further complicating the extremely complex relationship between the market economy and major labor unions, particularly the Confederación General de Trabajo (CGT). If mismanaged, these difficulties could bring the Frondizi's projects to an ignominious end. One topic of conversation that sends shivers down the spines of everyone interested in the economy's future is the value of the Italian lira, or in some circles, the US dollar, against the peso. While this obsession with foreign exchange prices is somewhat exaggerated by sensationalist buying, the mercantile nature of the Argentine economy makes the price of foreign exchange a more or less accurate external indicator of its state. Thus, the effectiveness of the government will be assessed primarily based on today's prices of foreign currencies.

Argentina has its own economic sphere. Besides Argentina itself, it includes Paraguay and Santa Cruz.

The use of images, symbols, signs, significant expressions, doctrines, articles, and artistic works that could be interpreted as representative of Peronists with the purpose of supporting the ideology of the deposed regime is prohibited in Argentina. Also prohibited are portraits, sculptures, and photographs of Peronist leaders and their relatives, the Peronist coat of arms and flag, the name of the deposed president, the names of his relatives, the expressions "Peronism," "Peronist," "justicialism," "justicialist," "third position," the abbreviation "PP," dates extolled by the deposed regime, the musical compositions "Marcha Peronista" and "Evita Capitana" or fragments thereof, as well as speeches by the deposed president or his wife, or fragments thereof.

The particularly repressive actions of the Menéndez dictatorship transformed Peronism's decline into a rebirth: strikes, protests, and bombings have become commonplace in Argentina without Perón. The ban on the Justicialist Party hasn't stopped dozens of other parties operating in its name. Despite President Frondizi's more conciliatory stance, it's clear that this subversive activity won't end anytime soon. From exile, Perón continues to incite unrest through nefarious means, including through his personal representative, John William Cook. If this problem isn't addressed, the Resistance could make governing Argentina virtually impossible. Worse yet, Perón himself could take advantage of the situation to return to the country.

For a long time, the greatest affliction afflicting Argentina was pretense in almost every form. Lacking a solid cultural foundation, almost everyone in Argentina "pretends." The country itself proclaims itself a perfectly normal and even democratic nation, though it's clear that everyone has become accustomed to disguising themselves as something they're not. This discrepancy between the real country and the apparent, formal, nominal nation becomes most evident in the political sphere.

Once a shining beacon of growth and progress, Argentina is facing hard times. Since 1943, economic growth has slowed, inflation has soared, and the number of slums has increased. The central question facing the Argentine government is how to halt and reverse this decline, popularly known as "Malaria." In June of that year, a coup d'état ousted the Conservative Party and President Ramón Castillo, who had been elected through fraud.

In 1946, Juan Domingo Perón won the election. His goal was to save Argentina from the specter of communism by integrating its working class and trade unions into the political system. In pursuing this goal, Colonel Perón's movement absorbed a wide variety of ideological currents: socialists, conservatives, Catholic liberals, and fascists; all gathered around the rising figure of Perón, and their views infused the ideology of Peronism. In 1951, an attempt to prevent Perón from assuming the presidency was unsuccessful. In keeping with his old pragmatist approach, Perón defined Argentina as a "neutral player," promoting the idea that the country could have good relations with both the United States and Germany while maintaining economic ties with the Triumvirate. He was wrong: Eisenhower simply could not allow a fascist sympathizer to remain on America's backwater.

Perón was overthrown by Eduardo Lonardi in 1956 during the "Revolution of Liberation." When the tyrant was deposed and exiled to Iberia, the Civic Union of Radicals stepped in to fill the power vacuum left by the tyrant, but has since been plagued by infighting and division.